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.in Mt.32.8 (PG 57.387–8).On virtue as the aim of miracles: Hom.in Mt.66.3 (PG 58.629–30).Cf.Hom.in Mt.48.1 (PG 58.487) and De incomp.1.6 (SC 28.96–9), where Chrysostom also downplays miracles.[45] De Laz.1.7 (PG 48.971).[46] Hom.in I Cor.21.5 (PG 61.176).[47] De Laz.6.3 (PG 48.1031).[48] Hom.in Mt.75.5 (PG 58.693).[49] Hom.in Mt.75.5 (PG 58.692–3).[50] Hom.in Mt.75.5 (PG 58.693).[51] De Laz.3.9 (PG 48.1006).[52] Hom.in Mt.75.5 (PG 58.693).[53] De stat.15.5 (PG 49.161).[54] Adv.opp.3.14 (PG 47.572–7).[55] On the fluidity of what “monasticism” meant, see W.Mayer, “Monasticism at Antioch and Constantinople in the Late Fourth Century: A Case of Exclusivity or Diversity?” in Prayer and Spirituality in the Early Church, P.Allen and L.Gross, eds.(Brisbane, 1998) 275–88, esp.285–8 regarding the viewpoint of the laity.On the laity’s distinction between monastic life and ordinary Christian life, see P.Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Women and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York, 1988) 311; Klingshirn, Caesarius, 189–201.[56] Libanius, Or 30.8.Libanius on monks as drunken cave-dwellers: Or.2.32.[57] Eunapius, VP 472.[58] Eunapius, VP 423–5.For monks as devotees to relics: Eunapius, VP 473–4.Liebeschuetz points out that Libanius’ invectives against the monks are similar to those against government agents, theater claques, and his personal enemies: Antioch: City and Imperial Administration in the Later Roman Empire (Berkeley, 2001) 33–4.[59] On Chrysostom’s use of the ascetics as both an idyllic literary topos, similar to Roman nostalgia for the countryside, and as a concrete model of the virtues he wanted his urban listeners to emulate, see A.J.Festugière, Antioche païenne et chrétienne: Libanius, Chrysostome et les moines de Syrie (Paris, 1959) 330 and 344–6.On visible distinction between religious groups: Chrysostom, Hom.in Mt.4.7 (PG 57.47–8).[60] De Laz.3.1 (PG 48.992).[61] Hom.in Gen.21.6 (PG 53.183).[62] Adv.Jud.8.4 (PG 48.932).Cf.Hom.in Mt.2.5 (PG 57.30) and 43.5 (PG 57.464).[63] Hom.in Gen.43.1 (PG 54.396).[64] Hom.in Mt.55.6 (PG 58.548).[65] Hom.in Mt.7.7 (PG 57.81).[66] Hom.in Gen.43.1 (PG 54.396).[67] Hom.in Mt.43.5 (PG 57.464).[68] Hom.in Mt.68.3 (PG 58.643–4).On Chrysostom’s vision of an ideal Christian city, see Brown, Body and Society, 305–22; A.Hartney, John Chrysostom and the Transformation of the City (London, 2004) 23–32, 117–32.[69] Hom.in Mt.68.4 (PG 58.645).For an examination of Chrysostom’s use of theatrical imagery, see B.Leyerle, Theatrical Shows and Ascetic Lives: John Chrysostom’s Attack on Spiritual Marriage (Berkeley, 2001).[70] Hom.in Mt.68.5 (PG 58.646).[71] The congregation was aware that the theater was still legal, Hom.in Mt.37.6 (PG 57.427).Chrysostom cites the legality of spectacles in an argument that humans do not make good laws, Hom.in I Cor.12.5 (PG 61.102).[72] Hom.in Mt.69.2–3 (PG 58.650–3).This aspect of the simple life might have been of special interest to the wives and servants in the congregation who were in charge of preparing meals for the others.[73] Hom.in Mt.69.4 (PG 58.653).[74] Hom.in Mt.69.3 (PG 58.651–2).[75] Hom.in Mt.69.4 (PG 58.654).[76] Hom.in Mt.70.4–5 (PG 58.659–62) and 72.4 (PG 58.671–4).[77] Cateches.6.1 (SC 50.215).Cf.De incomp.7.1 (PG 48.755–6); Hom.in Gen.41.1 (PG 53.374–5).Noisy people: Hom.in Mt.32.7 (PG 57.385–6).On the frequency of church services and the difficulties of determining this, see W.Mayer, “At Constantinople, How Often Did John Chrysostom Preach? Addressing Assumptions about the Workload of a Bishop,” Sacris Erudiri 40 (2001) 83–105.[78] De Laz.7.1 (PG 48.1045).[79] Adv.Jud.4.4 (PG 48.876).[80] Hom.in Gen.18.7 (PG 53.158) and 32.1 (PG 53.292); De stat.5.7 (PG 49.79).[81] Hom.in Gen.32.1 (PG 53.293).Cf.Hom.in Acts 29.3 (PG 60.218), where he emphasizes that their forefathers had built the churches because gatherings of religious teachers and learners were different from the socializing that took place in other public places.[82] Hom.in Gen.32.1 (PG 53.293).[83] Hom.in Gen.35.8 (PG 53.331).[84] De poen.3.1 (PG 49.291).[85] De poen.3.1 (PG 49.291).[86] Adv.Jud.2.1 (PG 48.857).Chrysostom uses hunting and fishing imagery when encouraging his listeners to “track down” Judaizers, circle them like a pack of hunting dogs, and then sweep them up in their “nets of instruction.”[87] Hom.on Hebrews 17.4 (PG 63.131–2).See P.Allen, “The Homilist and the Congregation: A Case Study of John Chrysostom’s Homilies on Hebrews,” Augustinianum 36 (1996) 397–421, at 416–18.Theodoret indicates that monks rarely received communion, HR 20.4 (SC 257.66–8).But elsewhere the monk Zeno goes to church, 12.5 (SC 234.466–8).[88] Hom.in Mt.39.3 (PG 57.436–7).[89] De poen.4.2 (PG 49.301–2).[90] De Laz.6 (PG 48.1027).[91] De poen.4.2 (PG 49.301–2).[92] De stat.17.1 (PG 49.171–12); cf.De stat.3.7 (PG 49.57–8).[93] On Easter crowds, see Hom.in Acts 29.3 (PG 60.218).On liturgical services during Lent in Antioch and their frequency, see Paverd, Homilies on the Statues, 161–201.[94] Hom.in I Cor.28.1 (PG 61.233).[95] Adv.Jud.3.5 (PG 48.868).[96] De stat.18.1 (PG 49.179).[97] De stat.18.1 (PG 49.181); De Anna 1.1 (PG 54.633).[98] Hom.in Gen.6.6 (PG 53.61).[99] Hom.in Gen.6.1 (PG 53.55).[100] De poen.5.1 (PG 49.305–6); Adv.Jud.3.4 (PG 48.867).Chrysostom notes that even the most sluggish (ῤᾳθυμοτέρους) and the laziest (νωθρότατος) had come to church in anticipation of the fast.Cf.Hom.in Gen.2.1 (PG 53.26).On the early development of Lent, see Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship, 183–5.For a general overview of late antique views of fasting, see V.E.Grimm, From Feasting to Fasting, the Evolution of a Sin: Attitudes to Food in Late Antiquity (New York, 1996).[101] Hom.in Mt.86.3 (PG 58.768).[102] Hom.in Gen.30.5 (PG 53.279).[103] De stat.3.3 (PG 49.51–2) [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.in Mt.32.8 (PG 57.387–8).On virtue as the aim of miracles: Hom.in Mt.66.3 (PG 58.629–30).Cf.Hom.in Mt.48.1 (PG 58.487) and De incomp.1.6 (SC 28.96–9), where Chrysostom also downplays miracles.[45] De Laz.1.7 (PG 48.971).[46] Hom.in I Cor.21.5 (PG 61.176).[47] De Laz.6.3 (PG 48.1031).[48] Hom.in Mt.75.5 (PG 58.693).[49] Hom.in Mt.75.5 (PG 58.692–3).[50] Hom.in Mt.75.5 (PG 58.693).[51] De Laz.3.9 (PG 48.1006).[52] Hom.in Mt.75.5 (PG 58.693).[53] De stat.15.5 (PG 49.161).[54] Adv.opp.3.14 (PG 47.572–7).[55] On the fluidity of what “monasticism” meant, see W.Mayer, “Monasticism at Antioch and Constantinople in the Late Fourth Century: A Case of Exclusivity or Diversity?” in Prayer and Spirituality in the Early Church, P.Allen and L.Gross, eds.(Brisbane, 1998) 275–88, esp.285–8 regarding the viewpoint of the laity.On the laity’s distinction between monastic life and ordinary Christian life, see P.Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Women and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York, 1988) 311; Klingshirn, Caesarius, 189–201.[56] Libanius, Or 30.8.Libanius on monks as drunken cave-dwellers: Or.2.32.[57] Eunapius, VP 472.[58] Eunapius, VP 423–5.For monks as devotees to relics: Eunapius, VP 473–4.Liebeschuetz points out that Libanius’ invectives against the monks are similar to those against government agents, theater claques, and his personal enemies: Antioch: City and Imperial Administration in the Later Roman Empire (Berkeley, 2001) 33–4.[59] On Chrysostom’s use of the ascetics as both an idyllic literary topos, similar to Roman nostalgia for the countryside, and as a concrete model of the virtues he wanted his urban listeners to emulate, see A.J.Festugière, Antioche païenne et chrétienne: Libanius, Chrysostome et les moines de Syrie (Paris, 1959) 330 and 344–6.On visible distinction between religious groups: Chrysostom, Hom.in Mt.4.7 (PG 57.47–8).[60] De Laz.3.1 (PG 48.992).[61] Hom.in Gen.21.6 (PG 53.183).[62] Adv.Jud.8.4 (PG 48.932).Cf.Hom.in Mt.2.5 (PG 57.30) and 43.5 (PG 57.464).[63] Hom.in Gen.43.1 (PG 54.396).[64] Hom.in Mt.55.6 (PG 58.548).[65] Hom.in Mt.7.7 (PG 57.81).[66] Hom.in Gen.43.1 (PG 54.396).[67] Hom.in Mt.43.5 (PG 57.464).[68] Hom.in Mt.68.3 (PG 58.643–4).On Chrysostom’s vision of an ideal Christian city, see Brown, Body and Society, 305–22; A.Hartney, John Chrysostom and the Transformation of the City (London, 2004) 23–32, 117–32.[69] Hom.in Mt.68.4 (PG 58.645).For an examination of Chrysostom’s use of theatrical imagery, see B.Leyerle, Theatrical Shows and Ascetic Lives: John Chrysostom’s Attack on Spiritual Marriage (Berkeley, 2001).[70] Hom.in Mt.68.5 (PG 58.646).[71] The congregation was aware that the theater was still legal, Hom.in Mt.37.6 (PG 57.427).Chrysostom cites the legality of spectacles in an argument that humans do not make good laws, Hom.in I Cor.12.5 (PG 61.102).[72] Hom.in Mt.69.2–3 (PG 58.650–3).This aspect of the simple life might have been of special interest to the wives and servants in the congregation who were in charge of preparing meals for the others.[73] Hom.in Mt.69.4 (PG 58.653).[74] Hom.in Mt.69.3 (PG 58.651–2).[75] Hom.in Mt.69.4 (PG 58.654).[76] Hom.in Mt.70.4–5 (PG 58.659–62) and 72.4 (PG 58.671–4).[77] Cateches.6.1 (SC 50.215).Cf.De incomp.7.1 (PG 48.755–6); Hom.in Gen.41.1 (PG 53.374–5).Noisy people: Hom.in Mt.32.7 (PG 57.385–6).On the frequency of church services and the difficulties of determining this, see W.Mayer, “At Constantinople, How Often Did John Chrysostom Preach? Addressing Assumptions about the Workload of a Bishop,” Sacris Erudiri 40 (2001) 83–105.[78] De Laz.7.1 (PG 48.1045).[79] Adv.Jud.4.4 (PG 48.876).[80] Hom.in Gen.18.7 (PG 53.158) and 32.1 (PG 53.292); De stat.5.7 (PG 49.79).[81] Hom.in Gen.32.1 (PG 53.293).Cf.Hom.in Acts 29.3 (PG 60.218), where he emphasizes that their forefathers had built the churches because gatherings of religious teachers and learners were different from the socializing that took place in other public places.[82] Hom.in Gen.32.1 (PG 53.293).[83] Hom.in Gen.35.8 (PG 53.331).[84] De poen.3.1 (PG 49.291).[85] De poen.3.1 (PG 49.291).[86] Adv.Jud.2.1 (PG 48.857).Chrysostom uses hunting and fishing imagery when encouraging his listeners to “track down” Judaizers, circle them like a pack of hunting dogs, and then sweep them up in their “nets of instruction.”[87] Hom.on Hebrews 17.4 (PG 63.131–2).See P.Allen, “The Homilist and the Congregation: A Case Study of John Chrysostom’s Homilies on Hebrews,” Augustinianum 36 (1996) 397–421, at 416–18.Theodoret indicates that monks rarely received communion, HR 20.4 (SC 257.66–8).But elsewhere the monk Zeno goes to church, 12.5 (SC 234.466–8).[88] Hom.in Mt.39.3 (PG 57.436–7).[89] De poen.4.2 (PG 49.301–2).[90] De Laz.6 (PG 48.1027).[91] De poen.4.2 (PG 49.301–2).[92] De stat.17.1 (PG 49.171–12); cf.De stat.3.7 (PG 49.57–8).[93] On Easter crowds, see Hom.in Acts 29.3 (PG 60.218).On liturgical services during Lent in Antioch and their frequency, see Paverd, Homilies on the Statues, 161–201.[94] Hom.in I Cor.28.1 (PG 61.233).[95] Adv.Jud.3.5 (PG 48.868).[96] De stat.18.1 (PG 49.179).[97] De stat.18.1 (PG 49.181); De Anna 1.1 (PG 54.633).[98] Hom.in Gen.6.6 (PG 53.61).[99] Hom.in Gen.6.1 (PG 53.55).[100] De poen.5.1 (PG 49.305–6); Adv.Jud.3.4 (PG 48.867).Chrysostom notes that even the most sluggish (ῤᾳθυμοτέρους) and the laziest (νωθρότατος) had come to church in anticipation of the fast.Cf.Hom.in Gen.2.1 (PG 53.26).On the early development of Lent, see Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship, 183–5.For a general overview of late antique views of fasting, see V.E.Grimm, From Feasting to Fasting, the Evolution of a Sin: Attitudes to Food in Late Antiquity (New York, 1996).[101] Hom.in Mt.86.3 (PG 58.768).[102] Hom.in Gen.30.5 (PG 53.279).[103] De stat.3.3 (PG 49.51–2) [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]