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. What are you? he repeats. I m Black, I reply. Well, then, he says. You asked me that question like you re White or some-thing! I glance at the African women workers on my left and notice them following ourconversation, leaning toward one another to chat in low tones after each exchange.I m not sure what they understand, but they seem to be enjoying the show.While Iinitially adopted a conventional interviewing strategy, allowing Omar to respondwith little interference from me, I now decide to follow another approach.In WhiteWomen, Race Matters, Ruth Frankenberg discovered that being interactive with herinterviewees produced better results, since the idea is to get respondents to forget29they re being interviewed and answer as naturally or openly as possible.Notwanting him to think I am intimidated, I look him straight in the eyes and smile. What s your name, brother? I say.His face relaxes, and he smiles, calmly answering, Omar. We continue talking about Black unity, and I explain that my purpose is tounderstand as much as I can.Fifteen minutes later, we shake hands. I ll come back and see you, I say. OK, that ll be good, he replies.This episode reveals an emergent viewpoint in Harlem.A contingent ofAfricans and Blacks increasingly talk less about their differences and more abouta shared Blackness.Then again, this new outlook is not devoid of internal scrutinyand introspection.That is, once they acknowledge the inconsequential nature oftheir cultural differences, both groups recognize the fact that every group has good and bad people, and making the decision not to condemn an entire pop-ulation for the actions of a few is what matters most.For some Black Americans, especially those who see their relationship withAfricans as a competition for scarce resources, the separation between them isirreconcilable, and they view Africans (and recently, Whites and other gentrifiers)as invaders. Many African immigrants, too, view native-born Blacks as in-corrigible slackers, lazy, uneducated, or woefully ignorant of the real Africa.Theybelieve that Blacks see them as animals, recent arrivals from the wild jungle. Other African Americans, seeking to connect with their ancestral homeland, fostercultural and Islamic exchanges with their African Muslim neighbors.Their actionsengender collaborative projects and bridge building.In these cases, African Muslims the black encounter 79position themselves as either cultural brokers or Islamic du at (missionaries).Forlocal Blacks uninterested in appropriating African culture or Islam, the line sepa-rating them is intolerable.In this context, Africans and Blacks find one another incabs, at local stores and restaurants, or during business transactions, but these rela-tions are often tense or potentially confrontational, often resulting from long-heldstereotypes that force a misreading of each other s intentions.Still, there appears tobe a strong desire for reconciliation on both sides.In the midst of this, Africans andBlacks increasingly talk of their racial sameness and downplay any cultural differ-ences.While this viewpoint clearly indicates a shift in consciousness, it has yet toproduce significant partnerships between the two groups.It has, however, appearedto reduce conflict during their daily interactions and has the potential to improverelations.These three dimensions of the Black encounter reveal the multilayerednature of how these relations play out in places like Harlem, and they are shotthrough with religious sentiments, class struggles, racial formations, and otherconstructs.The next chapter will explore a challenge requiring a different type ofresolution: language. This page intentionally left blank 4The Language of HeavenIMohamed stands still, staring at the pictures.He begins to sweat.Minutespass, but they feel like hours.He is confused and unable to react, his eyesmoving from one image to another and back again.He understands howthey are arranged or that they re organized in sequence.But little elsemakes sense.Finally, he has made up his mind. May I help you, sir? says the young Latina, interrupting histhoughts.How do I say this? he thinks, and his heart races. Hello, sir! she yells.He looks at her, then back at the picture. MayI help you? she says again.He turns around, scurries down the aisle, and heads out the door.He s back outside and still hungry.1 As we sit in the Senegalese restaurantLa Marmite, named for a lidded French casserole dish, Mohamed explainshis first encounter at McDonald s. You just stand there, he says, speaking for himself and other new-comers from French West Africa. Trying to say which food you have toorder, because you don t know the language. And not knowing whether or not the food is haram, or religiouslyunlawful, complicates matters even further [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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. What are you? he repeats. I m Black, I reply. Well, then, he says. You asked me that question like you re White or some-thing! I glance at the African women workers on my left and notice them following ourconversation, leaning toward one another to chat in low tones after each exchange.I m not sure what they understand, but they seem to be enjoying the show.While Iinitially adopted a conventional interviewing strategy, allowing Omar to respondwith little interference from me, I now decide to follow another approach.In WhiteWomen, Race Matters, Ruth Frankenberg discovered that being interactive with herinterviewees produced better results, since the idea is to get respondents to forget29they re being interviewed and answer as naturally or openly as possible.Notwanting him to think I am intimidated, I look him straight in the eyes and smile. What s your name, brother? I say.His face relaxes, and he smiles, calmly answering, Omar. We continue talking about Black unity, and I explain that my purpose is tounderstand as much as I can.Fifteen minutes later, we shake hands. I ll come back and see you, I say. OK, that ll be good, he replies.This episode reveals an emergent viewpoint in Harlem.A contingent ofAfricans and Blacks increasingly talk less about their differences and more abouta shared Blackness.Then again, this new outlook is not devoid of internal scrutinyand introspection.That is, once they acknowledge the inconsequential nature oftheir cultural differences, both groups recognize the fact that every group has good and bad people, and making the decision not to condemn an entire pop-ulation for the actions of a few is what matters most.For some Black Americans, especially those who see their relationship withAfricans as a competition for scarce resources, the separation between them isirreconcilable, and they view Africans (and recently, Whites and other gentrifiers)as invaders. Many African immigrants, too, view native-born Blacks as in-corrigible slackers, lazy, uneducated, or woefully ignorant of the real Africa.Theybelieve that Blacks see them as animals, recent arrivals from the wild jungle. Other African Americans, seeking to connect with their ancestral homeland, fostercultural and Islamic exchanges with their African Muslim neighbors.Their actionsengender collaborative projects and bridge building.In these cases, African Muslims the black encounter 79position themselves as either cultural brokers or Islamic du at (missionaries).Forlocal Blacks uninterested in appropriating African culture or Islam, the line sepa-rating them is intolerable.In this context, Africans and Blacks find one another incabs, at local stores and restaurants, or during business transactions, but these rela-tions are often tense or potentially confrontational, often resulting from long-heldstereotypes that force a misreading of each other s intentions.Still, there appears tobe a strong desire for reconciliation on both sides.In the midst of this, Africans andBlacks increasingly talk of their racial sameness and downplay any cultural differ-ences.While this viewpoint clearly indicates a shift in consciousness, it has yet toproduce significant partnerships between the two groups.It has, however, appearedto reduce conflict during their daily interactions and has the potential to improverelations.These three dimensions of the Black encounter reveal the multilayerednature of how these relations play out in places like Harlem, and they are shotthrough with religious sentiments, class struggles, racial formations, and otherconstructs.The next chapter will explore a challenge requiring a different type ofresolution: language. This page intentionally left blank 4The Language of HeavenIMohamed stands still, staring at the pictures.He begins to sweat.Minutespass, but they feel like hours.He is confused and unable to react, his eyesmoving from one image to another and back again.He understands howthey are arranged or that they re organized in sequence.But little elsemakes sense.Finally, he has made up his mind. May I help you, sir? says the young Latina, interrupting histhoughts.How do I say this? he thinks, and his heart races. Hello, sir! she yells.He looks at her, then back at the picture. MayI help you? she says again.He turns around, scurries down the aisle, and heads out the door.He s back outside and still hungry.1 As we sit in the Senegalese restaurantLa Marmite, named for a lidded French casserole dish, Mohamed explainshis first encounter at McDonald s. You just stand there, he says, speaking for himself and other new-comers from French West Africa. Trying to say which food you have toorder, because you don t know the language. And not knowing whether or not the food is haram, or religiouslyunlawful, complicates matters even further [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]