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.Paul VI treated him withdissimulated rudeness, while, on the contrary, he honored the Chiefof the North Vietnamese delegation to the Paris conference, XuanThuy, with a warmhearted personal mention, paying homage, in thismanner, to Hanoi s stance on peace.The same style of deferent collaboration with Communism,Paul VI applied in all of his relations, not only with Moscow, butwith the whole of the Communist world.And yet, in all of theCountries submitted to the Soviets, the failure of the Vaticanwas continuous and shameful.In spite of that, Paul VI continuedto regard the USSR as a  Holy Russia , utopistically comprised ofChristianity and Socialism, underestimating, however, the will ofdominance of Communism, and showing his blindness as to theglobal character of its perverted doctrine, which he envisioned,however, as the matrix of universal history.220 And it is with his pro-Communist  mens [mind] that Paul VIturned to the Chinese communists, as well.It is no secret that Bei-jing had created a  National Chinese Church , independent ofRome and faithful to the Communist State.It is no secret that, since1957, 45 Chinese clerics were consecrated bishops, unbeknownst tothe Pope.Rome had stood silent, without acknowledging or ap-proving.Then came the  Cultural Revolution , which soon devel-oped into a total interdiction of the cult until 1965.Paul VI, at thatstage, took his first steps, granting his blessing, in his celebrated ap-peal to  peace before the UN, to the admission of China into theUnited Nations.Paul VI, however, awaited in vain a sign of grati-tude from Beijing.At that point, Paul VI raised the Apostolic repre-sentation in Taiwan to the rank of Nunciature, which meant he hadtaken notice of the sovereignty of the Chinese Nationalists over theterritory claimed by Beijing.In 1966, he took another  step in the direction of Mao.It wason the occasion of the commemoration of the first six Chinese bish-ops.At St.Peter s Basilica, Paul VI declared that the Chinese youthought to know  with what care and love we consider their pre-sent drive toward the ideals (!!) of a united and prosperouslife (!!).But even that exhortation went unanswered.In 1971, Communist China was admitted into the UN.The Vat-ican promptly saluted the event voicing out its satisfaction, eventempered by the regret for the exclusion of Taiwan.In any case, China in 1970 had already started a great offensiveagainst the USSR, shifting closer to the United States.In that period, in the summer of 1970, there was a meaningful occurrence.Marshal Tito had received Monsignor Casaroli, thenMinister of the Foreign Affairs of the Holy See, at Brioni, his sum-mer residence.The head of the protocol begged him to wait a mo-ment in the antechamber, before the Yugoslav President would seehim.The door suddenly opened, and there materialized, totally un-expected, the Chinese Ambassador to Belgrade.They remainedalone for a few minutes.Shortly after, however, the Vatican policyturned in the direction of China.But the Soviet reaction was notlong in coming.Hence the visit of Gromiko, Minister of Foreign Af-fairs, to the Vatican.At the time, Italy recognized China and theHoly See was not indifferent.But when Monsignor Casaroli trav-221 eled to Moscow, shortly after, for the signature of the Treaty againstthe proliferation of the nuclear weapons, the Minister of ReligiousAffairs reserved for him a humiliating reception.The evolution toward Beijing, however, continued.The Russianswere vexed and the Russian ambassador in Rome, whom in theoryhad no business with the Vatican, paid the Vatican various calls, dur-ing the winter of 1971-72.Paul VI oscillated between Moscow andBeijing, but when he perceived the hostility of the Russians towardsthe contacts between Beijing and the Vatican Curia, he resorted to akind of reservation, which was ill accepted by China.That Chinesediffidence became apparent when President Nixon traveled to Chi-na.The Holy See was not informed, and Casaroli learned the newsfrom the international press [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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