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.g., lines 77 ff.Ut cum vere novo rubrae decortice gemmae/ erumpunt./.novas.adferre camenas, to be compared with Ecl.V13, Immo haec in viridi nuper quae cortice fagi/ carmina descripsi and VII 48.iam lentoturgent in palmite gemmae. bullough/f4/252-330 8/27/03 9:53 AM Page 294294 chapter twodegree of informality that is uncommon later; but this seems to reflectthe nature of the letter-collections rather than a subsequent aban-donment of hitherto-usual forms and practices.In fact, stylish andstylised expressions of amicitia, and admonitory letters to those withauthority over others and responsibility for them before God, arealso among the earliest: language vocabulary and syntax, both farremoved from rusticitas as well as tone, imply a thorough groundingand probably ample practice in Alcuin s adolescence and early man-hood; and the formal elements (inscriptio, salutatio etc.) of many of hisextant letters confirm this.In the last years of the century he wasto encourage the bishop of an unidentified see-church to organisehis boys studies (lectiones), so that one group would read epistolas etparvos libellos.129 Did Alcuin have in mind formula collections, suchas were incorporated in the early collections of his own letters? orsomething like the final quires of a Ferrires (temp.Lupus) book oth-erwise devoted to Bede s two major works on Acts in part from aperhaps Insular exemplar which provide texts of three long lettersof Bede s and an incomplete copy of a letter of Pope Gregory I s?130Letters written by the latter and by several of his successors were,of course, readily available in Bede s Ecclesiastical History, usually com-plete with introductory and final formulae.A collection of Gregory sletters extracted from the Roman Church s archive , of unknownscale and content, had been sent to York by Boniface, with a promiseof others if the archbishop wanted them; and there are good reasonsfor thinking that papal letters, for the most part now lost, wereaddressed to York in the later eighth century.131 Education in letter-writing was clearly based on imitation.132 The recorded tradition of129Ep.no.161, on which see Brunhlzl, Bildungsauftrag , Karlswerk, 2, 31 (rightlyrejecting an identification of the unnamed addressee with Arn).130C.Lanham, Salutatio Formulas in Latin Letters to 1200: Syntax, Style and Theory,Mnchener Beitrge zur Medivistik u.Renaissance-Forschung 22 (Munich, 1975),p.91, suggests (not very plausibly) a use of Formulae Marculfi.The manuscript, the corrector of which might be Lupus himself (so B.Bischoff, Palographie und frh-mittelalterliche Klassikerberlieferung , MaSt, 3, 65, Engl.transl.p.126; but inKatalog 1, 261 (no.1230) he is much more sceptical) is Paris BNF lat.2840, herefols 88v 105.131Papal letters in HE: E.A.Lowe, The script of the Farewell and Date for-mulae in early Papal documents (1959), Palaeographical Papers 2, 450 58, with a neatsummary of earlier literature at p.456 n.4 ( 457).Boniface s letter is Epist.select.1, ed.Tangl, no.75 (of 746 7); a collection put together by Paul the Deacon fortyyears later ( collectio P ) had fifty-four letters, another eighth-century selection ( col-lectio C ) had two hundred.132For the mature Alcuin s notion of imitation , see his De rhetorica, ed.Halm, bullough/f4/252-330 8/27/03 9:53 AM Page 295northumbrian alcuin: discit ut doceat 295Northumbrian letter-writing begins in the years either side of 710 withBede s earliest letter(s) on chronological problems, and with a shortletter of Abbess lffld of Whitby (daughter of King Oswiu; ob.713 14) to Adola of Pfalzel (Trier), commending an unnamed abbess whowas on a pilgrimage to Rome.This last includes only two very briefNew Testament quotations and uses a modestly literary vocabularyof late-Latin origin, but it reveals a respectable understanding ofLatin syntax, with good models.133 Bede s other letters apart, there isthen a gap of more than half-a-century: Archbishop Egberht s sideof a correspondence with Archbishop Boniface in his last years isunfortunately totally lost.134 In 764 at the end of an exceptionallyhard winter, Abbot Gutberct, who had been (he said) in the monasteryof St.Paul, i.e.Jarrow, for forty-six years and had learnt what heknew at Bede s feet , wrote a thank-you and begging-letter to Lulof Mainz; and another letter followed some time later.The earlierof the two displays an extensive vocabulary for semi-precious andprecious artefacts and has a farewell in quantitive verse; the secondintroduces the soon-to-be familiar phrase (inter nos) amicitiae foedera;but neither of them has a single Biblical quotation!135 From the nextten or fifteen years two letters certainly of York origin, one of themp.544, ed.Howell, p.132, taken almost verbatim from Julius Victor, Ars rhetorica(who is here following Cicero, De oratore III 39!), ed.Halm, p.431, although thewords eorumque bene dicta memoriae mandanda seem to be Alcuin s own, and raro beforeornandi is not in the received text of Julius Victor.For a very different approach toimitatio in the Latinity of Alcuin and his contemporaries, see M.Banniard, Thorieet pratique de la langue et du style chez Alcuin: rusticit feinte et rusticit masque ,Francia 13 (1985), 579 601, especially the concluding pages.133Epist.ad Pleguinam, ed.Jones, Bedae Opera de Temporibus, pp.307 15, internallydatable to 708; Epist.select., 1, ed.Tangl, no.8: only in the manuscript ViennaNationalbibl.751 (Mainz, s.IX1) which preserves the orthography adoliscentiae.Bedesays of lffld that she was primo discipula vitae regularis (under Hild) deinde etiam mag-istra at Whitby, and also describes her as devota Deo doctrix: HE III 24, IV 26; sheis the fourth in the Liber Vitae s nomina reginarum et abbatissarum, Gedenkberlieferung, ed.Gerchow, p.304.134Epist.select.1, ed.Tangl, nos 75 of 746/7, 91.The first of these was accom-panied by copies both of Pope Gregory I s letters (above at n.131) and of the Epis-tola admonitoria which he was sending to King thelbald of Mercia, idem, no.73.The recipient s text of the letter to thelbald is fragmentarily preserved in theburnt manuscript, London BL Cotton Otho A.i, the contents of which are mostfully described and analysed by S.Keynes, The reconstruction of a burnt Cottonianmanuscript: the case of Cotton Otho A.1 , BLJ 22 (1996), 113 60, who rightlyemphasises its significance as a symbol of a programme of reform which had orig-inated in a Mercian context in mid-century.135Epist.select., ed.Tangl, nos 116, 127 [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
zanotowane.pl doc.pisz.pl pdf.pisz.pl centka.pev.pl
.g., lines 77 ff.Ut cum vere novo rubrae decortice gemmae/ erumpunt./.novas.adferre camenas, to be compared with Ecl.V13, Immo haec in viridi nuper quae cortice fagi/ carmina descripsi and VII 48.iam lentoturgent in palmite gemmae. bullough/f4/252-330 8/27/03 9:53 AM Page 294294 chapter twodegree of informality that is uncommon later; but this seems to reflectthe nature of the letter-collections rather than a subsequent aban-donment of hitherto-usual forms and practices.In fact, stylish andstylised expressions of amicitia, and admonitory letters to those withauthority over others and responsibility for them before God, arealso among the earliest: language vocabulary and syntax, both farremoved from rusticitas as well as tone, imply a thorough groundingand probably ample practice in Alcuin s adolescence and early man-hood; and the formal elements (inscriptio, salutatio etc.) of many of hisextant letters confirm this.In the last years of the century he wasto encourage the bishop of an unidentified see-church to organisehis boys studies (lectiones), so that one group would read epistolas etparvos libellos.129 Did Alcuin have in mind formula collections, suchas were incorporated in the early collections of his own letters? orsomething like the final quires of a Ferrires (temp.Lupus) book oth-erwise devoted to Bede s two major works on Acts in part from aperhaps Insular exemplar which provide texts of three long lettersof Bede s and an incomplete copy of a letter of Pope Gregory I s?130Letters written by the latter and by several of his successors were,of course, readily available in Bede s Ecclesiastical History, usually com-plete with introductory and final formulae.A collection of Gregory sletters extracted from the Roman Church s archive , of unknownscale and content, had been sent to York by Boniface, with a promiseof others if the archbishop wanted them; and there are good reasonsfor thinking that papal letters, for the most part now lost, wereaddressed to York in the later eighth century.131 Education in letter-writing was clearly based on imitation.132 The recorded tradition of129Ep.no.161, on which see Brunhlzl, Bildungsauftrag , Karlswerk, 2, 31 (rightlyrejecting an identification of the unnamed addressee with Arn).130C.Lanham, Salutatio Formulas in Latin Letters to 1200: Syntax, Style and Theory,Mnchener Beitrge zur Medivistik u.Renaissance-Forschung 22 (Munich, 1975),p.91, suggests (not very plausibly) a use of Formulae Marculfi.The manuscript, the corrector of which might be Lupus himself (so B.Bischoff, Palographie und frh-mittelalterliche Klassikerberlieferung , MaSt, 3, 65, Engl.transl.p.126; but inKatalog 1, 261 (no.1230) he is much more sceptical) is Paris BNF lat.2840, herefols 88v 105.131Papal letters in HE: E.A.Lowe, The script of the Farewell and Date for-mulae in early Papal documents (1959), Palaeographical Papers 2, 450 58, with a neatsummary of earlier literature at p.456 n.4 ( 457).Boniface s letter is Epist.select.1, ed.Tangl, no.75 (of 746 7); a collection put together by Paul the Deacon fortyyears later ( collectio P ) had fifty-four letters, another eighth-century selection ( col-lectio C ) had two hundred.132For the mature Alcuin s notion of imitation , see his De rhetorica, ed.Halm, bullough/f4/252-330 8/27/03 9:53 AM Page 295northumbrian alcuin: discit ut doceat 295Northumbrian letter-writing begins in the years either side of 710 withBede s earliest letter(s) on chronological problems, and with a shortletter of Abbess lffld of Whitby (daughter of King Oswiu; ob.713 14) to Adola of Pfalzel (Trier), commending an unnamed abbess whowas on a pilgrimage to Rome.This last includes only two very briefNew Testament quotations and uses a modestly literary vocabularyof late-Latin origin, but it reveals a respectable understanding ofLatin syntax, with good models.133 Bede s other letters apart, there isthen a gap of more than half-a-century: Archbishop Egberht s sideof a correspondence with Archbishop Boniface in his last years isunfortunately totally lost.134 In 764 at the end of an exceptionallyhard winter, Abbot Gutberct, who had been (he said) in the monasteryof St.Paul, i.e.Jarrow, for forty-six years and had learnt what heknew at Bede s feet , wrote a thank-you and begging-letter to Lulof Mainz; and another letter followed some time later.The earlierof the two displays an extensive vocabulary for semi-precious andprecious artefacts and has a farewell in quantitive verse; the secondintroduces the soon-to-be familiar phrase (inter nos) amicitiae foedera;but neither of them has a single Biblical quotation!135 From the nextten or fifteen years two letters certainly of York origin, one of themp.544, ed.Howell, p.132, taken almost verbatim from Julius Victor, Ars rhetorica(who is here following Cicero, De oratore III 39!), ed.Halm, p.431, although thewords eorumque bene dicta memoriae mandanda seem to be Alcuin s own, and raro beforeornandi is not in the received text of Julius Victor.For a very different approach toimitatio in the Latinity of Alcuin and his contemporaries, see M.Banniard, Thorieet pratique de la langue et du style chez Alcuin: rusticit feinte et rusticit masque ,Francia 13 (1985), 579 601, especially the concluding pages.133Epist.ad Pleguinam, ed.Jones, Bedae Opera de Temporibus, pp.307 15, internallydatable to 708; Epist.select., 1, ed.Tangl, no.8: only in the manuscript ViennaNationalbibl.751 (Mainz, s.IX1) which preserves the orthography adoliscentiae.Bedesays of lffld that she was primo discipula vitae regularis (under Hild) deinde etiam mag-istra at Whitby, and also describes her as devota Deo doctrix: HE III 24, IV 26; sheis the fourth in the Liber Vitae s nomina reginarum et abbatissarum, Gedenkberlieferung, ed.Gerchow, p.304.134Epist.select.1, ed.Tangl, nos 75 of 746/7, 91.The first of these was accom-panied by copies both of Pope Gregory I s letters (above at n.131) and of the Epis-tola admonitoria which he was sending to King thelbald of Mercia, idem, no.73.The recipient s text of the letter to thelbald is fragmentarily preserved in theburnt manuscript, London BL Cotton Otho A.i, the contents of which are mostfully described and analysed by S.Keynes, The reconstruction of a burnt Cottonianmanuscript: the case of Cotton Otho A.1 , BLJ 22 (1996), 113 60, who rightlyemphasises its significance as a symbol of a programme of reform which had orig-inated in a Mercian context in mid-century.135Epist.select., ed.Tangl, nos 116, 127 [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]